下面是小编为大家整理的演讲的远程教育英语作文，本文共14篇，仅供参考，喜欢可以收藏与分享哟!本文原稿由网友“想要有直升机”提供。
篇1：演讲的远程教育英语作文
关于演讲的远程教育英语作文
with the rapid development of science and technology, tele-education has sped up in our country. while many people speak highly of its advantages, others see more disadvantages deriving from it.
the advocates of tele-education give their arguments as follows. for one thing, tele-education makes it possible for people in remote areas to learn the subjects they are interested in. for another, people have a wider range of choices as to teachers and lessons through tele-education, because they can listen to the best lessons by the best teachers in the country, or even in the world.just as “every advantage has its disadvantages”, the opponents believe that not all the people have access to tele-education because many are poor. in addition, the students cannot contact teachers, but interpersonal relations are important to their study.
as far as i am concerned, we should develop tele-education more rapidly to benefit more students. meanwhile, we can design some programs to help teachers and students to contact each other.
thank you for being with me. good-bye.
篇2：演讲的远程教育考研英语作文
关于演讲的远程教育考研英语作文
with the rapid development of science and technology, tele-education has sped up in our country. while many people speak highly of its advantages, others see more disadvantages deriving from it.
the advocates of tele-education give their arguments as follows. for one thing, tele-education makes it possible for people in remote areas to learn the subjects they are interested in. for another, people have a wider range of choices as to teachers and lessons through tele-education, because they can listen to the best lessons by the best teachers in the country, or even in the world.just as “every advantage has its disadvantages”, the opponents believe that not all the people have access to tele-education because many are poor. in addition, the students cannot contact teachers, but interpersonal relations are important to their study.
as far as i am concerned, we should develop tele-education more rapidly to benefit more students. meanwhile, we can design some programs to help teachers and students to contact each other.
thank you for being with me. good-bye.
篇3：关于演讲的远程教育(A Speech on Tele-education)
with the rapid development of science and technology, tele-education has sped up in our country. while many people speak highly of its advantages, others see more disadvantages deriving from it.
the advocates of tele-education give their arguments as follows. for one thing, tele-education makes it possible for people in remote areas to learn the subjects they are interested in. for another, people have a wider range of choices as to teachers and lessons through tele-education, because they can listen to the best lessons by the best teachers in the country, or even in the world.just as “every advantage has its disadvantages”, the opponents believe that not all the people have access to tele-education because many are poor. in addition, the students cannot contact teachers, but interpersonal relations are important to their study.
as far as i am concerned, we should develop tele-education more rapidly to benefit more students. meanwhile, we can design some programs to help teachers and students to contact each other.
thank you for being with me. good-bye.
篇4：英语经典演讲
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th Congress，
I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. I use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.
Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately, only one of these -- the four-year war between the States -- ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in 48 States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.
It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents. We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.
What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition -- clear, definite opposition -- to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.
That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.
And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914 -- ninety-nine years -- no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.
Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. And the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.
Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.
We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today. The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.
I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world -- assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace. During 16 long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.
Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the Congress information of the state of the union,” I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.
Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, and Africa and Austral-Asia will be dominated by conquerors. And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceed the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere -- yes, many times over.
In times like these it is immature -- and, incidentally, untrue -- for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.
No realistic American can expect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion -- or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.
As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the “ism” of appeasement. We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.
I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations win this war.
There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.
But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe -- particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years. The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes -- and great numbers of them are already here and in Latin America. As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.
And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger. That is why this annual message to the Congress is unique in our history. That is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the Congress face great responsibility, great accountability. The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily -- almost exclusively -- to meeting this foreign peril. For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.
Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.
Our national policy is this:
First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.
Secondly, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. By this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.
Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.
In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on this line before the American electorate. And today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.
Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. In some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. And in some cases -- and, I am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.
The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.
I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism. They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be satisfied until the job is done.
No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.
To give you two illustrations:
We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes. We are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.
We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.
To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. And the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.
The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.
New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.
I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. They do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.
The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.
I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program. And nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.
Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.
For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.
Let us say to the democracies: “We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. That is our purpose and our pledge.”
In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. Such aid -- Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.
And when the dictators -- if the dictators -- are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.
They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war. Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. The nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.
Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency -- almost as serious as war itself -- demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations of any kind, must give way to the national need.
A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own group.
The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.
As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.
The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America. Those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.
Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.
The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:
Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.
Jobs for those who can work.
Security for those who need it.
The ending of special privilege for the few.
The preservation of civil liberties for all.
The enjoyment -- The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.
These are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.
Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:
We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.
We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.
We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.
I have called for personal sacrifice, and I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call. A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my budget message I will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today. No person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.
If the Congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.
In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.
The first is freedom of speech and expression -- everywhere in the world.
The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way -- everywhere in the world.
The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants -- everywhere in the world.
The fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.
That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.
To that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.
Since the beginning of our American history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.
This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.
To that high concept there can be no end save victory.
篇5：英语经典演讲
Less than three months ago at platform hearings in Salt Lake City, I asked the Republican Party to lift the shroud of silence which has been draped over the issue of HIV and AIDS. I have come tonight to bring our silence to an end. I bear a message of challenge, not self-congratulation. I want your attention, not your applause.
I would never have asked to be HIV positive, but I believe that in all things there is a purpose; and I stand before you and before the nation gladly. The reality of AIDS is brutally clear. Two hundred thousand Americans are dead or dying. A million more are infected. Worldwide, forty million, sixty million, or a hundred million infections will be counted in the coming few years. But despite science and research, White House meetings, and congressional hearings, despite good intentions and bold initiatives, campaign slogans, and hopeful promises, it is -- despite it all -- the epidemic which is winning tonight.
In the context of an election year, I ask you, here in this great hall, or listening in the quiet of your home, to recognize that AIDS virus is not a political creature. It does not care whether you are Democrat or Republican; it does not ask whether you are black or white, male or female, gay or straight, young or old.
Tonight, I represent an AIDS community whose members have been reluctantly drafted from every segment of American society. Though I am white and a mother, I am one with a black infant struggling with tubes in a Philadelphia hospital. Though I am female and contracted this disease in marriage and enjoy the warm support of my family, I am one with the lonely gay man sheltering a flickering candle from the cold wind of his family’s rejection.
This is not a distant threat. It is a present danger. The rate of infection is increasing fastest among women and children. Largely unknown a decade ago, AIDS is the third leading killer of young adult Americans today. But it won’t be third for long, because unlike other diseases, this one travels. Adolescents don’t give each other cancer or heart disease because they believe they are in love, but HIV is different; and we have helped it along. We have killed each other with our ignorance, our prejudice, and our silence.
We may take refuge in our stereotypes, but we cannot hide there long, because HIV asks only one thing of those it attacks. Are you human? And this is the right question. Are you human? Because people with HIV have not entered some alien state of being. They are human. They have not earned cruelty, and they do not deserve meanness. They don’t benefit from being isolated or treated as outcasts. Each of them is exactly what God made: a person; not evil, deserving of our judgment; not victims, longing for our pity -- people, ready for support and worthy of compassion.
My call to you, my Party, is to take a public stand, no less compassionate than that of the President and Mrs. Bush. They have embraced me and my family in memorable ways. In the place of judgment, they have shown affection. In difficult moments, they have raised our spirits. In the darkest hours, I have seen them reaching not only to me, but also to my parents, armed with that stunning grief and special grace that comes only to parents who have themselves leaned too long over the bedside of a dying child.
With the President’s leadership, much good has been done. Much of the good has gone unheralded, and as the President has insisted, much remains to be done. But we do the President’s cause no good if we praise the American family but ignore a virus that destroys it.
We must be consistent if we are to be believed. We cannot love justice and ignore prejudice, love our children and fear to teach them. Whatever our role as parent or policymaker, we must act as eloquently as we speak -- else we have no integrity. My call to the nation is a plea for awareness. If you believe you are safe, you are in danger. Because I was not hemophiliac, I was not at risk. Because I was not gay, I was not at risk. Because I did not inject drugs, I was not at risk.
My father has devoted much of his lifetime guarding against another holocaust. He is part of the generation who heard Pastor Nemoellor come out of the Nazi death camps to say,
“They came after the Jews, and I was not a Jew, so, I did not protest. They came after the trade unionists, and I was not a trade unionist, so, I did not protest. Then they came after the Roman Catholics, and I was not a Roman Catholic, so, I did not protest. Then they came after me, and there was no one left to protest.”
The -- The lesson history teaches is this: If you believe you are safe, you are at risk. If you do not see this killer stalking your children, look again. There is no family or community, no race or religion, no place left in America that is safe. Until we genuinely embrace this message, we are a nation at risk.
Tonight, HIV marches resolutely toward AIDS in more than a million American homes, littering its pathway with the bodies of the young -- young men, young women, young parents, and young children. One of the families is mine. If it is true that HIV inevitably turns to AIDS, then my children will inevitably turn to orphans. My family has been a rock of support.
My 84-year-old father, who has pursued the healing of the nations, will not accept the premise that he cannot heal his daughter. My mother refuses to be broken. She still calls at midnight to tell wonderful jokes that make me laugh. Sisters and friends, and my brother Phillip, whose birthday is today, all have helped carry me over the hardest places. I am blessed, richly and deeply blessed, to have such a family.
But not all of you -- But not all of you have been so blessed. You are HIV positive, but dare not say it. You have lost loved ones, but you dare not whisper the word AIDS. You weep silently. You grieve alone. I have a message for you. It is not you who should feel shame. It is we -- we who tolerate ignorance and practice prejudice, we who have taught you to fear. We must lift our shroud of silence, making it safe for you to reach out for compassion. It is our task to seek safety for our children, not in quiet denial, but in effective action.
Someday our children will be grown. My son Max, now four, will take the measure of his mother. My son Zachary, now two, will sort through his memories. I may not be here to hear their judgments, but I know already what I hope they are. I want my children to know that their mother was not a victim. She was a messenger. I do not want them to think, as I once did, that courage is the absence of fear. I want them to know that courage is the strength to act wisely when most we are afraid. I want them to have the courage to step forward when called by their nation or their Party and give leadership, no matter what the personal cost.
I ask no more of you than I ask of myself or of my children. To the millions of you who are grieving, who are frightened, who have suffered the ravages of AIDS firsthand: Have courage, and you will find support. To the millions who are strong, I issue the plea: Set aside prejudice and politics to make room for compassion and sound policy.
To my children, I make this pledge: I will not give in, Zachary, because I draw my courage from you. Your silly giggle gives me hope; your gentle prayers give me strength; and you, my child, give me the reason to say to America, “You are at risk.” And I will not rest, Max, until I have done all I can to make your world safe. I will seek a place where intimacy is not the prelude to suffering. I will not hurry to leave you, my children, but when I go, I pray that you will not suffer shame on my account.
To all within the sound of my voice, I appeal: Learn with me the lessons of history and of grace, so my children will not be afraid to say the word “AIDS” when I am gone. Then, their children and yours may not need to whisper it at all.
God bless the children, and God bless us all.
Good night.
篇6：英语经典演讲
Good evening, my fellow citizens，
This afternoon, following a series of threats and defiant statements, the presence of Alabama National Guardsmen was required on the University of Alabama to carry out the final and unequivocal order of the United States District Court of the Northern District of Alabama. That order called for the admission of two clearly qualified young Alabama residents who happened to have been born Negro. That they were admitted peacefully on the campus is due in good measure to the conduct of the students of the University of Alabama, who met their responsibilities in a constructive way.
I hope that every American, regardless of where he lives, will stop and examine his conscience about this and other related incidents. This Nation was founded by men of many nations and backgrounds. It was founded on the principle that all men are created equal, and that the rights of every man are diminished when the rights of one man are threatened.
Today, we are committed to a worldwide struggle to promote and protect the rights of all who wish to be free. And when Americans are sent to Vietnam or West Berlin, we do not ask for whites only. It oughta be possible, therefore, for American students of any color to attend any public institution they select without having to be backed up by troops. It oughta to be possible for American consumers of any color to receive equal service in places of public accommodation, such as hotels and restaurants and theaters and retail stores, without being forced to resort to demonstrations in the street, and it oughta be possible for American citizens of any color to register and to vote in a free election without interference or fear of reprisal. It oughta to be possible, in short, for every American to enjoy the privileges of being American without regard to his race or his color. In short, every American ought to have the right to be treated as he would wish to be treated, as one would wish his children to be treated. But this is not the case.
The Negro baby born in America today, regardless of the section of the State in which he is born, has about one-half as much chance of completing a high school as a white baby born in the same place on the same day, one-third as much chance of completing college, one-third as much chance of becoming a professional man, twice as much chance of becoming unemployed, about one-seventh as much chance of earning $10,000 a year, a life expectancy which is 7 years shorter, and the prospects of earning only half as much.
This is not a sectional issue. Difficulties over segregation and discrimination exist in every city, in every State of the Union, producing in many cities a rising tide of discontent that threatens the public safety. Nor is this a partisan issue. In a time of domestic crisis men of good will and generosity should be able to unite regardless of party or politics. This is not even a legal or legislative issue alone. It is better to settle these matters in the courts than on the streets, and new laws are needed at every level, but law alone cannot make men see right. We are confronted primarily with a moral issue. It is as old as the Scriptures and is as clear as the American Constitution.
The heart of the question is whether all Americans are to be afforded equal rights and equal opportunities, whether we are going to treat our fellow Americans as we want to be treated. If an American, because his skin is dark, cannot eat lunch in a restaurant open to the public, if he cannot send his children to the best public school available, if he cannot vote for the public officials who will represent him, if, in short, he cannot enjoy the full and free life which all of us want, then who among us would be content to have the color of his skin changed and stand in his place? Who among us would then be content with the counsels of patience and delay?
One hundred years of delay have passed since President Lincoln freed the slaves, yet their heirs, their grandsons, are not fully free. They are not yet freed from the bonds of injustice. They are not yet freed from social and economic oppression. And this Nation, for all its hopes and all its boasts, will not be fully free until all its citizens are free.
We preach freedom around the world, and we mean it, and we cherish our freedom here at home, but are we to say to the world, and much more importantly, to each other that this is the land of the free except for the Negroes; that we have no second-class citizens except Negroes; that we have no class or caste system, no ghettoes, no master race except with respect to Negroes?
Now the time has come for this Nation to fulfill its promise. The events in Birmingham and elsewhere have so increased the cries for equality that no city or State or legislative body can prudently choose to ignore them. The fires of frustration and discord are burning in every city, North and South, where legal remedies are not at hand. Redress is sought in the streets, in demonstrations, parades, and protests which create tensions and threaten violence and threaten lives.
We face, therefore, a moral crisis as a country and a people. It cannot be met by repressive police action. It cannot be left to increased demonstrations in the streets. It cannot be quieted by token moves or talk. It is a time to act in the Congress, in your State and local legislative body and, above all, in all of our daily lives. It is not enough to pin the blame on others, to say this a problem of one section of the country or another, or deplore the facts that we face. A great change is at hand, and our task, our obligation, is to make that revolution, that change, peaceful and constructive for all. Those who do nothing are inviting shame, as well as violence. Those who act boldly are recognizing right, as well as reality.
Next week I shall ask the Congress of the United States to act, to make a commitment it has not fully made in this century to the proposition that race has no place in American life or law. The Federal judiciary has upheld that proposition in a series of forthright cases. The Executive Branch has adopted that proposition in the conduct of its affairs, including the employment of Federal personnel, the use of Federal facilities, and the sale of federally financed housing. But there are other necessary measures which only the Congress can provide, and they must be provided at this session. The old code of equity law under which we live commands for every wrong a remedy, but in too many communities, in too many parts of the country, wrongs are inflicted on Negro citizens and there are no remedies at law. Unless the Congress acts, their only remedy is the street.
I am, therefore, asking the Congress to enact legislation giving all Americans the right to be served in facilities which are open to the public -- hotels, restaurants, theaters, retail stores, and similar establishments. This seems to me to be an elementary right. Its denial is an arbitrary indignity that no American in 1963 should have to endure, but many do.
I have recently met with scores of business leaders urging them to take voluntary action to end this discrimination, and I have been encouraged by their response, and in the last two weeks over 75 cities have seen progress made in desegregating these kinds of facilities. But many are unwilling to act alone, and for this reason, nationwide legislation is needed if we are to move this problem from the streets to the courts.
I'm also asking the Congress to authorize the Federal Government to participate more fully in lawsuits designed to end segregation in public education. We have succeeded in persuading many districts to desegregate voluntarily. Dozens have admitted Negroes without violence. Today, a Negro is attending a State-supported institution in every one of our 50 States, but the pace is very slow.
Too many Negro children entering segregated grade schools at the time of the Supreme Court's decision nine years ago will enter segregated high schools this fall, having suffered a loss which can never be restored. The lack of an adequate education denies the Negro a chance to get a decent job.
The orderly implementation of the Supreme Court decision, therefore, cannot be left solely to those who may not have the economic resources to carry the legal action or who may be subject to harassment.
Other features will be also requested, including greater protection for the right to vote. But legislation, I repeat, cannot solve this problem alone. It must be solved in the homes of every American in every community across our country. In this respect I wanna pay tribute to those citizens North and South who've been working in their communities to make life better for all. They are acting not out of sense of legal duty but out of a sense of human decency. Like our soldiers and sailors in all parts of the world they are meeting freedom's challenge on the firing line, and I salute them for their honor and their courage.
My fellow Americans, this is a problem which faces us all -- in every city of the North as well as the South. Today, there are Negroes unemployed, two or three times as many compared to whites, inadequate education, moving into the large cities, unable to find work, young people particularly out of work without hope, denied equal rights, denied the opportunity to eat at a restaurant or a lunch counter or go to a movie theater, denied the right to a decent education, denied almost today the right to attend a State university even though qualified. It seems to me that these are matters which concern us all, not merely Presidents or Congressmen or Governors, but every citizen of the United States.
This is one country. It has become one country because all of us and all the people who came here had an equal chance to develop their talents. We cannot say to ten percent of the population that you can't have that right; that your children cannot have the chance to develop whatever talents they have; that the only way that they are going to get their rights is to go in the street and demonstrate. I think we owe them and we owe ourselves a better country than that.
Therefore, I'm asking for your help in making it easier for us to move ahead and to provide the kind of equality of treatment which we would want ourselves; to give a chance for every child to be educated to the limit of his talents.
As I've said before, not every child has an equal talent or an equal ability or equal motivation, but they should have the equal right to develop their talent and their ability and their motivation, to make something of themselves.
We have a right to expect that the Negro community will be responsible, will uphold the law, but they have a right to expect that the law will be fair, that the Constitution will be color blind, as Justice Harlan said at the turn of the century.
This is what we're talking about and this is a matter which concerns this country and what it stands for, and in meeting it I ask the support of all our citizens.
Thank you very much.
篇7：英语远程教育教学工作总结
一、运用远程教育资源，加强教师授课水平
远程教育资源的应用，使英语教师能更好的学习到新的教材教法，以及新的教育教学理念。另外丰富的远程教育资源也能使教师从各方面来锻炼提高自己，做一个多面的教师--会说、会唱、会跳、会演，同时还能了解和掌握一定的英语文化背景知识。例如：在教学前，我通常会把从远程上下载的资料整理，特别是里面的课堂用语部分，既有示范读音又有汉语，我根据它来练习发音，有些扩展资料里面还有动画，既能听到声音，还能看到口型。又如英语教学中的歌曲、游戏资源网应有尽有，教师教学过程中适当运用资源网中的内容，往往起到事半功倍的效果，这样在教学生的同时，自己也能不断地参与学习，和学生们一起学。教师的角色也能更好的被定位于学生语言学习的合作者，参与者，鼓励者等等。这些都是远程教育资源带给我们的财富。所以，只有不断学习，不断充实自己，才能满足新时期教育发展的需要。
二、运用远程教育资源，激发学生求知兴趣。
“兴趣是最好的老师”，当学生对学习产生浓厚的兴趣，好奇心和强烈的求知欲望时，会使注意力特别集中和持久。而英语教学要想取得较好的效果，教师就更应在课堂上让学生处于主动、积极的状态，即让学生的思维动起来。而远程教育资源教学具有文字、图像、声音、动画兼容的特点，形象又生动，就能达到让学生思维动起来的效果。如：我在教学生记忆动物单词时，在远程教育网上下载了老虎、狮子和大象等相应的图像，这些动物或威风凛凛、或张牙舞爪、或悠然自得地出现在屏幕上，于是我便趁机以此为背景推出tiger、lion、elephant等动物名称，并配以动物声音、动作画面以及语言文字符号，学生边看图像、识文、听声边跟读、拼写。这种多媒体教法让学生从课件中既听到了单词的读法，又看到了实物，记忆起来更快，而且兴趣更高。欣赏着美丽的画面，不知不觉中生词就已经背了下来。利用多媒体课件，把乏味的文字内容变为富有情趣、直观形象的图像，学习兴趣不断高涨，在很轻松、自然的环境中运用了所学知识，取得了良好的'教学效果。
三、运用远程教育资源，激发学生再造想象
想象是在外界刺激物影响下，在头脑中对记忆的表象进行加工改造新形象的过程。因此，利用多媒体课件这一刺激物激发学生的再造形象，有利于学生深化认识陌生及抽象的事物，在教学时，利用多媒体课件展示逼真的图片，使学生犹如置身于真实的情景之中，让学生在优美的画面中不知不觉地接受新知识，学会cow，duck，farm，field等单词及句型，加深了学生对学习内容的理解。通过对一幅幅彩色画面的再造想象，学习由抽象到具体，由枯燥到形象直观，同时激发了学生对美的事物和对美好生活的热爱与追求。
四、运用远程教育资源，提高口语表达能力
随着英语教学改革的深入，学生口头表达能力的培养越来越受到重视，而作为基础的英语口语、运用先进的现代化教育设备，根据教材内容进行巧妙的多媒体设计，可提高课堂效率，取得良好的教学效果。如中学英语第三册第二单元，课前，我们先做游戏：
“partsofyourbody”来渲染气氛，营造学习英语的氛围，以便学生能很快进入学习状态，并用微机播放从远程教育资源中剪辑好的对话《keephealthy》学是为了用，在新课结束之前，我又将卡通人物和食物用课件形式放映并展示给大家进行现场交际活动。给学生提供练习材料，让情景的设置配合情景活动，为学生提供想像空间，创造进一步理解语言的条件，将所学知识变为己用，讲出来，让他们有开口的欲望，并真正说出口，进行语言交际，从而提高学生的口语水平，形成流畅的语流和悦耳的语感。
通过实践，我认为在英语教学中，恰当运用远程教育资源，不仅能提高自己驾驭课堂的能力，在教学中突破教学难点、重点。而且调动了学生学习英语的积极性，激发了学生再造想象能力和培养了学生的口语表达能力从而达到提高英语教学效果的目的。
篇8：英语远程教育培训总结
英语远程研修心得体会今年自1月14日起，我们参加了“江西省高中英语教师远程研修”， 远程研修为我们一线教师的交流搭建了一个很好的平台，在这里既能有幸聆听到各位专家讲座及课堂实录，又可以畅所欲言，解惑释疑，让我感慨颇深，受益匪浅。 在这十天的学习生活中，我们忙碌着、劳累着，但却充实着、收获着，全面提升了自己的基本素养和业务综合能力，对于今后的发展起到了积极的促进作用。通过研修，我们对教育教学工作有了一种新的理解和认识，针对这次学习下面具体谈一下自己的一点心得体会：
一、对自我的重新认识：通过学习使我的思想有了一个新的转变，作为一位英语教师，必须具有渊博的英语知识，熟练的操作技能，良好的思维品质，特别是骨干教师，更应当掌握现代教育教学理论、掌握现代教育教学技术。
在英语的探究过程中，教师不再把英语知识的传授作为自己的主要教学任务和目的，也不再把主要精力花费在检查学生对知识掌握的程度上，而是成为学习共同体中的成员，在问题面前教师和孩子们一起寻找答案，在探究英语的道路上教师成为学生的伙伴和知心朋友。
因此，在英语课程中，传统意义上的教师教和学生学，将让位于师生互教互学，彼此形成一个真正的“学习共同体”。这种学习方式的改变，将导致师生关系的改变，使教师长期以来的高高在上的“传道、授业、解惑”的地位发生变化，教师从“知识的权威”转变到“平等地参与学生的研究”，从“知识的传递者”转变成“学生英语探究的促进者、组织者和指导者”。
教师的这种角色的特征是：
⑴学生在自主观察、实验或讨论时，教师要积极地看，认真地听，设身处地地感受到学生的所作所为、所思所想，随时掌握课堂中的各种情况，考虑下一步如何指导学生学习。
⑵给学生心理上的支持，创造良好的学习氛围，采用适当的方式，给学生精神上的安慰与鼓舞，使学生的思维更加活跃，探索的热情更加高涨。
⑶注意培养学生的自律能力，注意教育学生遵守纪律，与同学友好相处，培养合作精神。
⑷教师应全程参与学生的任务活动，鼓励学生动手动脑，而非代替学生活动，代替学生思考，教师应陪伴学生共同成长，做培养学生英语素养的启蒙者。
篇9：英语远程教育培训总结
几点思考在英语课堂教学过程中，教师应创建和谐的学习氛围，以激发学生的学习兴趣为切入点，从学生的实际水平出发，在新课标的教学理念指导下，运用小组合作方式，来提高英语课堂教学的有效性，从而促进学生知识能力的全面提高。（1）建立融洽的师生关系，创建有效的学习氛围。在英语课堂教学中，我们所面对的学生的英语程度参差不齐，教师要尊重学生的思想，不要挫伤他们的积极性，尤其是对差生，教师的态度尤其要慎重，不能放弃对他们的鼓励，帮助他们树立信心，给他们介绍一些学习方法的书，并教他们一些改善大脑记忆力的锻炼方法。特别是教师要从多方面去关心学生，进行角色置换，站在学生的位置上设身处地地去体验，理解学生的各种感受。师生间的`融洽关系使学生感觉到课堂气氛轻松，表现出愿意配合教师的教学，使教与学的活动得到良好开展。
（2）激发学生的学习兴趣，保持有效的主动学习。教学的成败在很大程度上取决于教师是否能在课堂上保持一种生动活泼的教学气氛。
只有生动，才能吸引学生的注意力，只有活泼，才符合学生的心理特点，使他们感受到学习的乐趣。一切方法，只要有利于激发学生的兴趣，有利于培养良好的学习习惯，都应该采用。但又必须根据课堂上学生的知识反馈和思维活动情况灵活选择教学方法，这就需要教师在课堂上不但要注意知识的讲授，更要密切注意学生的思维进展情况。（3）尊重学生的实际水平，保证有效的知识掌握。教学活动的最终目标是有效促进学生的发展。那么教师就不能按照自教的思路进行教学，而应该按照学生学的规律进行教学。
所以，教师在教学设计时，要以充分尊重学生已有知识经验为前提，教师设设计的教案要符合学生的实际情况，周密地考虑到学生存在已有知识经验和思想方法基础的事实。学生的这个基础与教材的编排顺序有关，但与学生自身的学习水平与生活环境关系更大。并根据这一特点来确定教法，力争达到教与学的统一。例如，怎样引出新知识，新句型，怎样用同学们熟悉的生活现象去解释一个概念，怎样创造情景，怎样归纳学过的知识等等，都要切合学生的实际，才能引起他们的兴趣。
篇10：英语远程教育教学工作总结
随着教育改革的不断深入，教育对教师和学生的要求不断提高。为顺应时代发展的要求，我校开展了远程教育活动。本学期，我担任了八（1）、八（2）的远程教育英语老师。
我将“以学生为本”作为指导思想，让学生参与、体验、亲身实践、独立思考，注重学生交际能力的形成和培养，强调学生能用语言做事情，收益颇大，现将本学期的教学工作小结如下：
首先，针对学生求知欲强、好奇心强、自尊心强，情感丰富、记忆力和想象力强的特点，我为学生营造了和谐的课堂氛围，排除学生的紧张、恐惧、焦虑等不良情绪，鼓励学生多说，大胆地说，使他们在说的过程中有安全感和成就感。有意识地发现他们的积极因素并加以肯定和鼓励，用抚摩、表扬、鼓掌、奖励小趣味贴图等方式进行表扬，使学生在融洽的师生关系和活跃的课堂气氛中由喜欢英语教师而喜欢学习英语，从而提高了学生学习英语的热情。他们敢于大胆开口、各抒己见、畅所欲言、跃跃欲说，从而产生了良好的课堂氛围，提高了教学效率。
另外，我注意结合心理和身理特点，想方设法为他们创设有趣的学习语言环境，开展愉快教学，使学生处于一种和谐、欢愉、合作和亢奋的环境气氛中，享受到学习和活动的乐趣。在课的内容设计上，我以培养学生的创造性和创新思维能力为出发点，从而使得每一个学生得到发展。另外，我通过各种有效的手段来培养学生的综合能力。例如：唱英语歌、学写英语词句、英语拓展表演、英语故事欣赏等。使学生学习英语自始自终保持一种积极向上的姿态，从而达到真正学好剑桥少儿英语的目的。
本学期的教学，我始终做到“由有趣到乐趣，由乐趣到志趣”。为了不断地提高自身的业务素质，提高教学水平，我深知学习的重要性。一方面，我不断使自己的听说能力有所提高，使自己能更好地用英语组织教学，教给学生更多的知识；另一方面，我认真学习先进的教育教学理论，努力把教育教学理论最大化地转化为自己所有，认真学习老师们的先进经验，结合自己的工作实际和体会，严格按照教务处的要求，课前精心准备，上课认真负责，耐心辅导学生，细心批改作业，一切为学生着想，尽量减轻学生的课业负担，提高单位时间的工作效率。此外，我还认真学习他人的教学方法和经验，尽一切可能提高自己的业务水平，努力把自己培养成一个优秀的教师。
篇11：高一英语作文演讲
高一英语作文演讲
feeling of youth
no young man believes he shall ever die. it was a saying of my brother's， and a fine one. there is a feeling of eternity in youth， which makes us amend for everything. to be young is to be as one of the immortal gods. one half of time indeed is flown—the other half remains in store for us with all its countletreasures； for there is no line drawn， and we see no limit to our hopes and wishes. we make the coming age our own—
the vast， the unbounded prospect lies before us.
death. old age. are words without a meaning. that paby us like the idea air which we regard not. others may have undergone， or may still be liable to them—we “bear a charmed life“， which laughs to scorn all such sickly fancies. as in setting out on delightful journey， we strain our eager gaze forward—
bidding the lovely scenes at distance hail！
and see no end to the landscape， new objects presenting themselves as we advance； so， in the commencement of life， we set no bounds to our inclinations. nor to the unrestricted opportunities of gratifying them. we have as yet found no obstacle， no disposition to flag； and it seems that we can go on so forever. we look round in a new world， full of life， and motion， and ceaseleprogress； and feel in ourselves all the vigor and spirit to keep pace with it， and do not foresee from any present symptoms how we shall be left behind in the natural course of things， decline into old age， and drop into the grave. it is the simplicity， and as it were abstractedneof our feelings in youth， that （so to speak） identifies us with nature， and （our experience being slight and our passions strong） deludes us into a belief of being immortal like it. our short—lives connection with existence we fondly flatter ourselves， is an indissoluble and lasting union—a honeymoon that knows neither coldness， jar， nor separation. as infants smile and sleep， we are rocked in the cradle of our wayward fancies， and lulled into security by the roar of the universe around us0we quaff the cup of life with eager haste without draining it， instead of which it only overflows the more—objects prearound us， filling the mind with their magnitude and with the strong of desires that wait upon them， so that we have no room for the thoughts of death.
篇12：校园生活英语作文演讲
Hello everyone.Today I'm glad to be here to give a speech about my fresh experience in China Agriculture University.
大家好。今天我很高兴能在这里做一个关于我在中国农业大学首次经历的讲话。
First I must say the campus life is really different from what I have experienced in high school.For instance,I used to lean upon my dormitory teacher to wake me up on time.But now I have to set several alarm clocks to make myself could hear them in the morning otherwise I would miss my class.And then even worse there would be nobody remind me except my teacher!So the differences are everywhere and I could easily find them.The change of life is great and it's wonderful:I have more time of my own and the rights to decide how I live.
我要说的第一件事是大学校园生活真的不同于我所经历过的高中。例如，我过去常常依靠宿舍老师来按时叫醒我。但现在我必须设几个闹钟才能让我在早上听到闹钟响，否则我会错过我的课。然后更糟糕的是除了我的老师没有人会提醒我!所以不同到处都是，我可以很轻易地就找到不同之处。生活的变化很大，它也很美妙：我有更多我自己的时间和决定生活方式的权利。
My campus activities are rich and colorful.Learning English has become a habit to me cause I plan to study abroad in next few years.Playing Guzheng is my favorite activity.I have kept on practising it since I was a little girl and I wish to win more competitions in my campus life.
篇13：校园生活英语作文演讲
Hello,everyone.It’s a pleasure to be here.My topic today is school life.My school is my life.My life is my school.My life revolves around school.I’ve been in school for many years.I’ve been studying a long time.Let me tell you about my school life.
嗨，大家好!很荣幸来到这里.我今天的主题是学校生活.我的学校就是我的生活.我的生活就是我的学校.我的生活就围绕着学校.我上学已经许多年了.我读书已经很久了.让我来告诉大家我的学校生活.
First,school life is a challenge.It’s continuous competition.It’s full of pressure and lots of tests.The competition is intense.The pressure is heavy.The testing never endsIt used to drive me crazy.Now, I handle it OK.Now, I just focus on doing my best.
首先，学校生活是一大挑战.不断地有竞争.充满了压力和许许多多的考试.竞争非常激烈.压力非常沉重.测验永无止尽.这曾经快要把我逼疯了.现在,我尽力而为就是了.
Second,school is a great learning experience. I welcome this chance to discover. I understand that knowledge is power. Some days are unforgettable. Some classes are incredible. Some teachers inspire me so much. Before,I thought school was boring. Before,I complained it was torture. Now, I know it’s a privilege to be valued.
第二,学校生活是个非常好的学习经验.我欣然接受这个探索的机会.我了解,知识就是力量.有些日子令人难忘.有些课程真是太棒了.有些老师给我非常大的启发.以前,我觉得上学是一种折磨.现在,我知道上学是一个值得珍视的特权.
Third,my school is like a family.We’re like a close-kint community.We’re like members of a special club.We stick together like a team.We share and care about each other.We all learn and grow together.I cherish classmates and teachers.They understand and encourage me.Their friendship and support mean a lot.
第三,我的学校就像一个家.我们像是一个紧密结合的团体.我们像是一个特殊社团的成员.我们大家团结在一起.我们彼此分享、互相关怀.我们大家共同学习、共同成长.我珍惜同学和老师.他们了解我、鼓励我.他们的友谊和支持意义重大.
Fourth, school life is about participation.It’s about trying new things.It’s about joining clubs and getting involved.I like to interact with others.I learn to open my mind.I discover who I am and what I like.I create fond memories.I make friends for life.I realize that school life is really great.
第四,学校生活有许多活动可以参与.我有机会尝试新事物.我有机会参加并参与社团活动.我喜欢和别人有互动.我学习敞开我的心扉.我发现自我,并找到自己.真正喜欢的事物.我得到了美好的回忆.我结交了终生的朋友.我明白学校生活太愉快了.
Right now,school dominates my life.It’s my first big challenge.It’s my best opportunity to improve.I treasure the happy days.I tolerate the tough days.I never take one day for granted.I thank you for listening.I hope your school life is great.Remember to be grateful for school.
现在,学校支配着我的生活.这是我第一个大挑战.这是我改进的最佳机会.我珍惜那些美好的日子.我忍受那些艰苦的日子.我绝不会浪费任何一天.我感谢大家的聆听.我希望你们的学校生活也很棒.记得,要对学校心存感谢.
篇14：校园生活英语作文演讲
Distinguished teachers, dear classmates:
Everybody is good! Today, on behalf of my grade (123) in class all the students do the speech. The title of my speech is ”I love my campus“.
Time in a hurry and relentless years, I from primary to secondary school, in the two years for many years. In these two years, I from a young girl into a capable of independent thinking, positive enterprising, the class cadre, from a naughty child into a, enquiry one of good students. More main is, in the time went by, I deeper feelings for our school, more strong. In eight months, we're going to junior high school graduation, left the school, how is that possible don't make me want to stay!
Our campus beautiful and harmonious. When the first sunshine in the morning quietly into the earth, come to the campus, the breeze blowing, I often accompany ear heartily enjoy difficult to describe a comfortable, easy to recite English words, happy to sing a prose poetry. In a beautiful environment, campus all seemed so lively, and my memory is surprisingly good. The joy of the harvest of knowledge, more become a kind of incentive I aggressive power. Is the sun shining through, spread LangLangDe home, national how like groups of jumping notes, play the feelings of our cross-century generation. Diligence knowledgeable and enterprising rushed, become our little the pursuit of every hundred households middle school students.
Our school is a happy, happy family. ”SARS\" period, our school as well as all over the country, no matter the leadership, teachers and the students, can be unified understanding, solidarity and cooperation, this will be added to our understanding of the school, the love of the school. In this special day, school leaders and teachers to give our loved ones the care, love, like brothers and sisters, between classmates all this touched me, warm me, made me has a special strong feelings on the school.
Our school is the cradle of talent. Luliang is scorching July, everything in the world is full of vitality, even the sky rise with hope. This for the small hundred middle school, it is a more excited harvest season. Throughout the county, city, province and even the whole country, all over the world, all walks of life, where there is no little hundreds of families in contributions, where there is no small hundred households middle school graduates?
Our school is a model of rural junior high school. Far, just in recent years, our school has been advanced provinces, cities and counties as demonstration schools, civilized, last year, and honor to become the secondary school, among the universities. At the same time, our school at the same time, expand the scale of this year and the best school steadily forward, with confidence to fight for the title of provincial green school, this school for every little homes of people is something to be proud of.
I love my campus, I love that spacious classrooms, a vast playground, green lawn, I love my mother more teachers and students of brothers and sisters. In the campus was filled with our laughter, leaving us grow, laid the solid foundation we grow. Students, and the light of hope has been rising on the horizon, let us work hard and forge ahead, put in the little door into the growth of the middle school years we can never forget the memory!
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